Ashura marks a bloody show of Shiite strength

For centuries, Shiites, most of them ethnic Hazaras with distinct east-Asian facial features, were absent from public life, regarded as an economic underclass and the target of occasional pogroms by Sunni Pashtun-dominated governments. Under the Taliban, they were persecuted with a fervour that approached ethnic cleansing.

That has changed significantly since the hardline Sunni Islamists were ousted from power in the US-led war after September 11, 2001. Now, with more opportunities available for minority Shiites - who make up probably less than one-fifth of the population - the Hazaras have increased their social, political and economic standing.

During the 10-day Muharram ceremonies in memory of Hussein's martyrdom, which culminated on Thursday with the bloody self-flagellation ceremonies of Ashura, the country's long-marginalised Shiite minority displayed its emerging assertiveness and clout, alienating the Sunni Pashtun plurality, some of whose members are driving the Taliban insurgency.

Hazaras and other Shiites displayed red flags with the words ''O Hussein'' on their cars and minibuses as they drove through Kabul, blasting Shiite religious music. This month the senior Afghan Shiite cleric Ayatollah Mohaqeq Kabuli publicly called on his flock to tone it down.

Afghanistan's history of ethnic and sectarian tensions complicates efforts to eliminate the Taliban insurgency. Some Afghans suspect Iran is funnelling resources to Afghanistan's Shiites to bolster its influence.

Afghan Sunnis have long been accustomed to throwing their weight around against the Shiites, who also include the tiny Ghezelbash ethnic group in Kabul and a small number of Pashtuns in the southern province of Kandahar.

Hazaras joined the 1980s Iranian- and US-backed holy war against occupying Soviet troops with enthusiasm. They also took part in the 1990s civil war. But when Taliban militants, fundamentalist Sunnis allied with Osama bin Laden, took over, their victims included the Hazaras, who were considered infidels.

Hazaras were driven from Kabul, Herat in the west and Mazar-i-Sharif in the north, as well as from their ancestral home in Bamiyan and the surrounding Hazarajat, a barren and mountainous but majestic moonscape at the country's centre.

Many fled to neighbouring Pakistan or Iran, which considers itself the patron of Shiites worldwide.

Exile provided new perspectives and opportunities. Many Hazaras returned to Afghanistan with new skills and values. Unlike many Pashtuns, Hazaras view Western forces as protectors and have strongly backed the nation's political process.

In the halls of power and the country's educational institutions, the Hazaras' visibility has increased dramatically. Shiites won 59 of 249 parliamentary seats in September elections, though the results have yet to be ratified by the Afghan President, Hamid Karzai, a Sunni Pashtun.

''Every year they're expanding their presence,'' said Wadir Safi, who teaches political science at Kabul University. ''They are the ones in power now. They are a minority, but they are very united.''

Western organisations in Afghanistan appear to gravitate towards hiring Hazaras, in part because they are viewed as trustworthy. Some Afghans accuse the Hazaras of overstepping their place, and Westerners of manipulating ethnic politics.

''This is the conspiracy of the occupation,'' said Abdul Salam Zaeef, a former Taliban official who was granted amnesty by Mr Karzai and lives in Kabul. ''The foreigners are supporting the minority against the majority.'' Once the Americans leave, a ''balance'' will return, he predicted.

Shiites, especially Hazaras, take such sentiments as a warning of the oppression they would face if the Taliban returned to power.

Los Angeles Times